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abortion study – We Need A Law https://test.weneedalaw.ca Thu, 05 Aug 2021 16:57:51 +0000 en-CA hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.8.9 https://test.weneedalaw.ca/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/cropped-wnal-logo-00afad-1231-32x32.png abortion study – We Need A Law https://test.weneedalaw.ca 32 32 The Turnaway Study: Introduction and the Author’s Assumptions https://test.weneedalaw.ca/2020/09/the-turnaway-study-the-assumptions-of-the-author/ Thu, 24 Sep 2020 21:45:17 +0000 https://test.weneedalaw.ca/?p=4621

The Turnaway Study explains the findings of a unique study which follows 1,000 women who sought abortions. Gloria Steinem’s glowing review graces the cover: “If you read only one book about democracy, The Turnaway Study should be it.” Arguably she’s overhyping this book by Dr. Diana Greene Foster, but it was true that I got my hands on it as soon as I could.

For the study that forms the foundation of the book, recruiters went to abortion clinics in the United States that had a second trimester gestational limit and found women who were turned away – that is, denied abortion because they were too far along in their pregnancy – and women who received an abortion just under the gestational limit. Over the next five years, they periodically followed up with these women, asking about their physical and mental health, their aspirations and financial situation, and the well-being of their children.

The goal was to compare the outcomes of women based on whether they received or were denied an abortion. Does abortion hurt women? Is abortion just another medical procedure? Now we have 1,000 women’s perspective on this issue.

The findings of the study are fascinating and don’t lend themselves to quick conclusions. I want to take some time to unpack what the book says, so this is Part 1 in a series of six blog posts about The Turnaway Study. My hope is that by the end you’ll have a clearer picture of the lives of women who seek abortions and how the pro-life message impacts them.

Let’s start with the assumptions made

Dr. Foster begins and ends with the assumption that choice is good for women. Despite this assumption, however, she does ostensibly write for both a pro-life and a pro-choice audience. She works hard to, in her words, “put myself in the shoes of someone who was concerned about the harms of abortion.” I’m willing to take Dr. Foster at her word that she was trying to be unbiased, but the problem is she can’t be neutral, especially when it comes to the heart of the pro-life position: the humanity of pre-born children.

In the introduction, Dr. Foster does acknowledge that this study “will never resolve the moral question of when a fetus becomes a person,” but she gives shockingly little time to even considering the impact of this question on women. The closest she comes to actually dealing with the question of the humanity of the pre-born comes from a story of one of the women in the study who muses, “in the ethics class, we were talking about when is something considered alive. I’ve always thought it was when it has a personality of some sort.” But this question is noticeably lacking from the rest of the book, leaving the reader missing a crucial part of the equation.

When Dr. Foster discusses the children born to women who were turned away for abortion, she says, apparently without irony, that “women’s lives…are not the only lives affected by the ability to access abortion care.” We agree. Pre-born children’s lives are intimately and fatally affected by abortion. But she neglects this entirely, spending the chapter only considering the outcomes of children that made it to birth.

She concludes that, “enabling women to have abortions when they want them increases the chance that they will become pregnant later when they are ready and prepared to parent.”  She assumes that future children are interchangeable with the present child, ignoring the reality that each life is unique and intrinsically valuable. She also states that many women “choose abortion with the needs of children in mind,” but we must point out that clearly it is not the needs of her pre-born child that are being considered.

How this plays out in women’s lives

These individual, unique lives lost to abortion are still present in the women’s stories that Dr. Foster tells throughout the book. One example is that of Ariela (all names are pseudonyms), who at 19 chose to abort twins. Ariela’s reasons included wanting to finish school and establish a career, and the book includes her jarring summary that “I gave up two lives for myself.” We are not comforted when she elaborates: “Like, I gave them up so I could have a better job, which I do, and so I could go to school, which I’m halfway there, and to have a better life, which I think I’m doing okay.” Her plans to go to law school and seemingly have a “successful” life ring hollow to those who mourn the lives that were lost.

This oversight by Dr. Foster is revealing of the heart of the abortion debate. As Greg Koukl succinctly put it, “If the pre-born is not a human being, no justification for abortion is necessary. However, if the pre-born is a human being, no justification for abortion is adequate.” If Ariela’s twins are not human beings, then we have no reason to question her decision to prioritize her career. But since we know that life begins at fertilization when a unique, distinct human being comes into existence, no accomplishment will come close to compensating for the tragedy of two lives cut short.

What we are able to resonate with are stories like Jenny’s, who was denied an abortion, had her child, and “started crying at the thought of her then-six-year old no longer being in her life. ‘She is just everything to me.’”

Dr. Foster undoubtedly is aware of the argument for the humanity of pre-born children, but always portrays it as an opinion. She deliberately suggests at times that a woman or those around her could “consider” the pre-born child a baby. But she never confronts the question: what if it isn’t just an opinion, but a woman is actually making a choice to end another human being’s life?

If you are going to ask the question of how abortion impacts women, that must include considering how the loss of her child impacts her. But Dr. Foster is not neutral on this point, deliberately sidelining the central tenet of the pro-life position.

The pro-life movement has thought about the women

While she largely ignores the very truth that motivates the pro-life movement, I generally am willing to take Dr. Foster at face value when it comes to her attempt to be unbiased. However, I must take issue with the way she characterizes the pro-life movement as not even thinking about the women.

She pronounces this judgment by telling a story of a pro-life American politician responding to a journalist’s question of, “’What do you think makes a woman want to have an abortion?” Obviously caught off guard, the politician stammers a bit before offering, “It’s a question I’ve never even thought about.” From that single instance, Dr. Foster concludes that, “In the decades-long battle over abortion rights, this one moment completely captures the disconnect between the politics of restricting abortion and the lived experiences of women who want one.”

In one fell swoop she ignores the many in the pro-life movement, including those of us in the political realm, who have spent countless hours seeking to understand women’s lived experience. People like Frederica Mathewes-Green who detailed the lived experiences of women in her book Real Choices. Or the brave post-abortive women who use their stories to highlight the reality of abortion. Or the countless people across both the United States and Canada that keep pregnancy resource centres going. These centres are devoted to understanding why women are seeking an abortion while promoting options that are best for her and her child.

We have thought of the women. And we have thought of the pre-born child. The reality is that the choice for abortion is not about one person, but two. Some in the pro-abortion movement, like Dr. Foster, will try to claim it is only about the women. Others might view it as woman versus child. But the pro-life movement has the radical belief that we can be for both woman and child.

We’ll delve into that more in Part 2, when we consider what is actually best for women.

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Abortion Safety Rankings Influenced by Biased Data Assessment https://test.weneedalaw.ca/2017/12/foreign-aid-reproductive-health-influenced-biased-data-assessment/ Wed, 06 Dec 2017 04:34:19 +0000 https://test.weneedalaw.ca/?p=2387 A recent study led by Bela Ganatra and published in The Lancet investigated the safety of abortion worldwide. According to the study, there are an estimated 55.7 million abortions in the world every year. While calling any abortion “safe” makes me cringe, the study finds that about 10% of abortions in developed countries rank as unsafe, while close to 50% ranked as unsafe in developing nations.  Some use these numbers to argue that safe abortions should be a foreign aid priority for anyone who cares about women.

Given Canada’s commitment to sending hundreds of millions of dollars overseas to promote abortion in developing countries, the information revealed in this study is highly relevant. The Liberals’ Feminist International Assistance Policy touches on education, nutrition, and women’s entrepreneurship, among other valuable things. Unfortunately, it also emphasizes the need for access to safe, legal abortions and, like Ganatra’s study, criticizes restrictive abortion laws in developing nations.

News reports on the study featured heart-wrenching stories of women considering suicide over carrying a pregnancy to term, or hemorrhaging from a botched abortion. The Policy’s Executive Summary lists strict abortion restrictions alongside female genital mutilation, forced marriage, and child marriage as a discriminatory practice holding women and girls back.

Blaming abortion restrictions, however, ignores evidence in the study itself that restrictions have little bearing on the safety and quality of care received. The study states, “The proportion of abortions that were least safe was also significantly higher in developing countries with the most restrictive laws than in developed countries with similarly restrictive laws.” That is, when comparing developed and developing nations that had the same regulations, the developed countries still had significantly safer abortions. From this we learn that it is not actually the restrictions that determine the safety of abortions but some other cause, whether the larger health framework of the nation in question, the political stability, the access to medical education, or some other factor.

The World Health Organization (WHO), where researcher Bela Ganatra is employed, reports that nearly half of its member states report fewer than one physician per 1000 population, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Sierra Leone, Ghana and Liberia, among many others. “Countries with the lowest relative need have the highest number of health care workers,” the WHO report states. Abortion restrictions are irrelevant in the broader framework of lack of access to health care for any medical service, necessary or elective.

So if legal restrictions are not the cause of unsafe abortion, why the push in Canada’s “feminist” Policy for fewer restrictions on abortion? In short, it’s ideological.

Obianuju Ekeocha, an outspoken human rights advocate from Nigeria, says that in order to convince any woman in Africa that abortion is a good thing, first you have to tell her that everything she’s been taught by her parents, her grandparents, and her culture, is wrong. This, she states unequivocally, is ideological colonization. Ekeocha points to African women’s real desires and needs: food, water, education.

Bwindi, Uganda - February 26, 2017 : Interior of Childrens Unit of Bwindi Medical Clinic, Uganda, Africa.

Abortion safety is not a leading concern for women in developing countries.

The Liberal plan for foreign aid, with its focus on “reproductive rights” as founded upon abortion access, is nothing less than a colonial attempt at control without genuine aid. The targeted nations want their children to be healthy and safe. The “aid” being offered says children don’t need to be “healthy and safe” if they don’t exist. Rather than addressing societal and economic reasons parents struggle to provide for their families, the Canadian government takes aim at families, aiming to reduce poverty by reducing reproduction.

To use the Lancet study to promote international access to abortion is to ignore the greater need for stable health and education infrastructures in developing nations. In this study, evidence was collected and presented for a case we already knew was going to be made. Led by a researcher whose work focuses on the prevention of unsafe abortion, this study provided exactly what she needed to continue her work of promoting abortion. No space is left for a perspective that questions the validity of abortion as a means of enhancing equality for women, a perspective that believes women do not have to be more like men reproductively in order to succeed. In short, it left no space for a perspective of true equality, one that celebrates differences. This is the equality that could make a real difference in the lives of women around the world.

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